Showing posts with label Research Methods Workshop. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Research Methods Workshop. Show all posts

Apr 10, 2011

Classic article on the role of theory in research

From the article: Atul Kohli, Peter Evans, Peter J. Katzenstein, Adam Przeworski, Suzanne Hoeber Rudolph, James C. Scott, and Theda Skocpol, “The Role of Theory in Comparative Politics: A Symposium,” World Politics, 48 (October 1995), 1: 1-49

The article argues that comparative politics, in spite of the different theoretical approaches, values "a problem orientation and a commitment to causal generalizations."  

Scientist that adopt different theoretical or methodological approaches express their views:

First scientist
  • It is important to define the "big ideas" driving the research.
  • Rational choice and game theory approaches need to be contextualized in history.
  • Cultural theories are partial.
  • Desire to predict is inherent, not because of positivist reasons, but because of the desire to know what is likely to happen.
  • It is important to understand historical sequences.
  • It is important to understand causal mechanisms. 
  • Ask the question of how the case under consideration helps understand other cases.
  • Cases are always to complicated to vindicate a single theory.
Trying to explain institutions by aggregating individual rationalities is like trying to explain chemical reactions by using propositions from subatomic physics.
Obviously, we should use the analysis of discourse, values, and symbols to modify, complement, and contextualize conventional political economy arguments, but we are not likely to get very far by constructing an alternative worldview that completely bypasses old fashioned power and interests.
As long as cultural analysts eschew prediction, they will not satisfy most consumers and patrons and will therefore remain marginalized [cultural analysis should be combined with conventional political economy].
Second scientist
  • Ask important and interesting questions.
  • Problem-focused research and eclectic theorizing are essential.
  • The origin of political preferences -- and therefore history, matters.
My church of scholarship is a cathedral not a chapel; hence I subscribe to an expansive notion of "social science." The church of scholarship accommodates many different sects often bent on fighting holy wars: behavioralists and nonbehavioralists then, rationalists and interpretivists now.
Rethinking the past in light of the present and conversely rethinking the present in light of the past are productive ways of searching for important and intriguing questions.
Third scientist
I am a methodological opportunist who believes in doing or using whatever [approach] works. If game theory works, I use it. If what is called for is a historical account, I do that. If deconstruction is needed, I will even try deconstruction. So I have no principles.
Comparisons inevitably require theories about what we do not observe, because they cannot rely exclusively on observations.
  • Find cases that are comparable to explain the differences.
  • Pay special attention to endogeneity (when the dependent variable affects the independent variable(s)).
Indeed, I am persuaded that all the comparative work we have been doing may suffer potentially from selection bias. We can not do good comparative research unless we worry about selection, that is, until we ask each time how our observations are produced. Is the mechanism by which our observations are produced independent of what we want to explain or not? Unless we pass that test we will be making biased inferences.
Fourth scientist
  • Be open and embrace contradictory findings.
  • Be aware that you analysis and point of view are influenced by your own background and position on the world.
Fifth scientist
I have never been able to understand abstract concepts unless I can run them through something that I understand well. For this reason I find the anthropologists' approach terribly important, certainly as a technique, if not as a theory: they have a field site where they spend a lot of time, observing and copiously recording as if they were a camera, as if they were stupid and naive.
The great thing about anthropology, by contrast, is that you are at work from the moment you open your eyes in the morning until you close them at night; everything is grist for the mill. So it may often be fine to have instruments that will measure carefully, but if you see the world only through your instruments, then it is likely to be a world that is hard to broaden and that may very well be poverty stricken. These instruments define the conclusions you can reach.
If half of your reading is not outside the confines of political science, you are risking extinction along with the rest of the subspecies. Most of the notable innovations in the discipline have come in the form of insights, perspectives, concepts, and paradigms originating elsewhere.
Final remarks
Theory helps frame empirical puzzles, and it generates plausible causal hypotheses that are worth examining. And one may add that inductive search for regularities generates additional new hypotheses.

Apr 8, 2011

Research article -- format

Articles in journals of medicine have usually standard formats, like the one below (background, method, results, and conclusions). In economics or other social sciences the presentation is usually different. There is not a uniform way to organize the article. This has to do with the nature of the field, and more specifically with the research method used. It is easier to organize an article that uses a quantitative method in an standardized format than an article that uses a qualitative method. Recently, in economics and other social sciences, articles that use randomized or experimental methods present their results in a similar way than the medical journals do.

From the article: Reduction in the Incidence of Type 2 Diabetes with Lifestyle Intervention or Metformin Diabetes Prevention Program Research Group N Engl J Med 2002; 346:393-403 February 7, 2002. Here.
Background

Type 2 diabetes affects approximately 8 percent of adults in the United States. Some risk factors — elevated plasma glucose concentrations in the fasting state and after an oral glucose load, overweight, and a sedentary lifestyle — are potentially reversible. We hypothesized that modifying these factors with a lifestyle-intervention program or the administration of metformin would prevent or delay the development of diabetes.

Methods

We randomly assigned 3234 nondiabetic persons with elevated fasting and post-load plasma glucose concentrations to placebo, metformin (850 mg twice daily), or a lifestyle-modification program with the goals of at least a 7 percent weight loss and at least 150 minutes of physical activity per week. The mean age of the participants was 51 years, and the mean body-mass index (the weight in kilograms divided by the square of the height in meters) was 34.0; 68 percent were women, and 45 percent were members of minority groups.

Results

The average follow-up was 2.8 years. The incidence of diabetes was 11.0, 7.8, and 4.8 cases per 100 person-years in the placebo, metformin, and lifestyle groups, respectively. The lifestyle intervention reduced the incidence by 58 percent (95 percent confidence interval, 48 to 66 percent) and metformin by 31 percent (95 percent confidence interval, 17 to 43 percent), as compared with placebo; the lifestyle intervention was significantly more effective than metformin. To prevent one case of diabetes during a period of three years, 6.9 persons would have to participate in the lifestyle-intervention program, and 13.9 would have to receive metformin.

Conclusions

Lifestyle changes and treatment with metformin both reduced the incidence of diabetes in persons at high risk. The lifestyle intervention was more effective than metformin.

Mar 18, 2011

Qualitative research methods course



Session 1



Definition of concepts in academic research and writing.

Goertz, Gary. Social science concepts: A user's guide. Princeton University Press: 2005.

Chapter 3

Session 2

From concepts to measurement.

Adcock,  Ropert, and David Collier. 2001. "Measurement Validity: A Shared Standard for Qualitative and Quantitative Research." The American Political Science Review, 95 (3): 529-546.

Session 3

Concept and measurement: The case of Democracy.

Levitsky, Steven, and David Collier. 1997. "Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research." World Politics. 49(3):430-451

Session 4

Comparative analysis in case selection (A).

Paul Pierson, Paul. 2003. “Big, Slow-Moving, and … Invisible: Macrosocial Processes in the Study of Comparative Politics,” in Mahoney and Rueschemeyer (eds.): 177-207.

Session 5

Comparative analysis in case selection (B).

George, Alexander, and Andrew Bennett. Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences. MIT Press: 2005.

Chapter 10. Process-Tracing and Historical Explanation
Chapter 11. Integrating Comparative and Within-Case Analysis: Typological Theory

Session 6

Limits and some perils of qualitative (small "N") research.

Geddes, Barbara. 1990. "How the cases you chose affect the answers you get: Selection bias in comparative politics." Political Analysis (2): 131-50.

Session 7

Proposal writing. 

The art of writing proposals.
Source:   






www.qrmafrica.org




Mar 12, 2011

The starting step of inquiry

To define a thing is to select among the whole of its properties those which should be understood to be designated and declared by its name; the properties must be very well known to us before we can be competent to determine which of them are fittest to be chosen for this purpose.

Every proposition consists of two names [concepts]: and every proposition affirms or denies one of these names of the other . . . Here therefore we find a new reason why the signification of names, and the relation generally between names and the things signified by them must occupy the preliminary stage of inquiry we are engage in.

J.S. Mill. (From Goertz "Social science concepts: A user's guide" (2006).